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2018年02月19日 13:29:52|来源:国际在线|编辑:爱问诊疗
New fiction新小说Fatty issue胖子是个大问题A thoughtful new work by an American original.具有独创精神的美国作家带来富有创见的新作Big Brother《老大哥》LIONEL SHRIVER knows the drawbacks of using her own family in her fiction. Famous for the bestselling “We Need to Talk About Kevin”, which won the Orange prize for fiction in 2005, she once lamented that her parents had not yet forgiven her for an unflattering portrait in an earlier book. The rift was unfortunate, even sad, Ms Shriver noted, but that did not mean she would not do it again. “Real-life people are like carcasses thrown to a carnivorous pet,” she observed.兰诺丝薇佛明白,拿自己家人作为小说人物原型问题多多。于2005年获英国柑橘文学奖小说奖的畅销书《凯文怎么了》使丝薇佛声名鹊起,她曾慨叹,因为自己在一部早期作品中对父母描述直白,双亲一直耿耿于怀。丝薇佛表示,与父母产生嫌隙是令人遗憾的,甚至是令人伤心的,但那并不意味着她不会故技重施。她说,“现实中的人物就像抛给食肉动物的畜体,有血有肉。”“Big Brother”, Ms Shrivers 12th novel, may be her most plainly autobiographical. The author has written publicly before about her own big brother, an “obscenely smart” man who ultimately ate himself to death. The experience left her with not a few unresolved questions. What moves someone to eat to grotesque excess? Why is it so hard to deal with food in a healthy way in the overabundant 21st century? And what is the duty of kin when it comes to helping someone bent on self-destruction? These concerns drive her new novel, which considers the fate of a morbidly obese man and his sensible, successful 40-something younger sister. Ms Shriver, who has reviewed fiction for The Economist, has a knack for conveying subtle shifts in family dynamics, but this book feels uniquely personal, and is more poignant for it.《老大哥》是丝薇佛的第12本小说,也可能是她自传痕迹最明显的一部小说。作者在以前公开发表的作品中就曾提到她的老大哥,说他“聪明到让人吃惊”,最后把自己给吃死了。如此经历给丝薇佛留下了不少困惑。是什么动力使一个人暴饮暴食到近乎荒唐的地步?在物产过剩的21世纪,为何健康饮食如此之难?如果要向一个执意自我毁灭的人施以援手,其亲属又肩负哪些责任?对这些问题的关注推动她完成了这部小说,对一个肥胖病患者和他理智、成功、四十来岁的的命运做出了思考。丝薇佛曾为《经济学人》撰写过小说,擅长巧妙传达家人互动时的微妙变化。但这本书似乎更关怀个人,而且更加切中要害。Pandora Halfdanarson, the heroine, leads a staid life in Iowa, where ambitions are as modest as the plains are flat. She has a thriving toy business, a contented marriage and a good relationship with her teenage stepchildren. But these dulling comforts have her craving the “splash of anarchy” that a visit from her cool, jazz-playing brother, Edison, would bring.小说女主人公潘多拉?哈夫达纳森在爱荷华州享受着安稳的生活,那里土地平坦,人们甘于平凡。她的玩具店生意兴隆,婚姻美满,和十几岁的继子女们相处融洽。但波澜不惊的安逸生活让她对“混乱的波澜”心生向往,这份波澜,将由爱迪生—她玩爵士乐的哥哥—带给她。After years of limited contact, however, the sight of him comes as a shock. Her once handsome and sylphlike brother has become a mountain of flesh in a double-wide wheelchair, his jazz-pianist fingers bulging like bratwurst just before the skin splits. “It was rude to stare, and even ruder to cry.” Struggling, Edison hopes to stay with Pandora and her family for a little while. But his presence is outsized and disruptive, his appetites epic, his boastful stories tinged with resentment (“Hey Ive played with some heavy cats, dig?”). Edisons bombast strains Pandoras marriage and disturbs the balance of her life, especially after she hatches a dramatic plan to slim him down in order to save him.兄间多年少有联络,再见面时,被哥哥吓了一跳。她原本相貌英俊、身形窈窕的哥哥如今成了一座瘫在加宽轮椅上的肉山,曾经弹奏爵士钢琴的手指如今鼓胀得像肠衣即将爆裂的德式香肠。“瞪眼直视俨然成了无礼冒犯,泪流满面则更甚。”爱迪生努力想同潘多拉一家人待一段时间。但他身形庞大,到处添乱,胃口惊人,自吹自擂的故事里还捎带着忿恨爱迪生的胡吹乱侃让潘多拉的婚姻关系变得紧张,扰乱了她平静的生活。为了挽救哥哥,潘多拉想出了一个戏剧性的方案来帮他减肥,之后一切更是乱了套。With “Big Brother”, Ms Shriver offers some sage observations on the pleasures of eating, the link between fat and shame and the struggle to lose weight—a “distinctly bourgeois form of suffering”. She suggests that the fundamental problem of food may be that it is “more concept than substance”, an idea of satisfaction if never quite satisfaction itself. The highlight of ingestion is the moment between one bite and the next; actual eating never quite delivers on the tantalising contentment promised between bites.丝薇佛在《老大哥》中提出了一些富有哲理的看法,涉及饮食的乐趣、肥胖和羞耻的关系以及减肥的努力—她称减肥为“典型的中产阶级痛苦”。她认为食物最根本的问题也许在于它“更多的是一个概念,而非物质”,强调的是满足感而非满足本身。摄取食物最令人满足的时刻在咬一口和下一口之间,而两口之间那诱人的满足感并不能通过实际的吃来获得。But this book is not just about bingeing and purging. Ms Shriver writes tenderly about marriage, and also about the potency of blood ties, which are wonderful and horrible for the same reason: there is “no natural limit to what these people can reasonably expect of you”. Her interior monologues are pitch-perfect; her dialogue less so. Yet her main gift as a novelist is a talent for coolly nailing down uncomfortable realities—like the feelings of regret that haunt a sister who asks if she did right by her big brother.但这不只是一本探讨暴饮暴食和心灵净化的书。丝薇佛充满温情地描绘了婚姻,也将血缘亲情的力量娓娓道来,这份力量既美好又可怕,因为“家人以为对你的期待合情合理,而这份期待其实无边无际”。丝薇佛笔下的内心独白精异常,对话稍逊一筹。不过,作为小说家,丝薇佛的天赋在于能够从容地把握令人不安的现实——比如潘多拉不确定自己对哥哥所做的一切是否正确时,那份困扰她的懊悔之情。 /201405/294996Climate change气候变化In praise of second best次好方案获认可A carbon price would be better, but Barack Obamas plan to cut emissions from power plants is welcome为碳排放定价显然更为理想,但奥巴马的电厂减排方案依然备受欢迎。NOTHING is too good for the ed States Congress. The Capitol even has its own power station. The Capitol Power Plant in south-east Washington is still puffing away, though it was built in 1910—making it older than most museums of power—and even though it has not generated any electricity since 1951. It pipes steam and chilled water to heat or cool the nations legislators, and in the process it pumps out over 100,000 tonnes of carbon dioxide a year. In 2000, when the administrator of the plant tried to switch it over from burning coal to natural gas to cut that pollution, senators from coal-producing states ganged up to stop him. The plant symbolises everything that is wrong with Americas power sector and the policies that influence it.这对美国国会来说不是什么好事。国会甚至拥有自己的电站。位于华盛顿东南部的国会电力工厂建于1910年,历史比大多数电力物馆还悠久。虽然这家电厂自从1951年后就不再发电,却还在造成污染。电厂通过管道输送蒸汽和冷冻水来为立法者们取暖纳凉,在这个过程中,电厂每年会排放超过100,000吨二氧化碳。2000年,电厂管理者试图将原来的燃料煤换成天然气,来减少污染。但是,生产煤的各州议员却联合抗议。了解此电厂,可知道美国电力部门出现的问题以及影响电力部门的各项政策。So President Barack Obamas proposal on June 2nd to cut CO2 emissions from power plants is welcome. Power stations are the single biggest source of greenhouse-gas emissions in America, accounting for a third of the total. The plan to cut them by 30% from their 2005 level by 2030 is the biggest step an American president has taken to curb climate change for several decades.因此,6月2号,奥巴马总统提出减少电厂二氧化碳排放量的提议备受欢迎。电厂是美国温室气体排放量的最大来源,排放量约占总排放量的三分之一。根据提议,到2030年,温室气体排放量需在2005年的水平上下降30%。这是几十年来,美国总统在遏制气候变化上迈出的最大一步。The proposal matters for political reasons: several states which Democrats must win if they are to keep control of the Senate are also coal producers, where anything that hurts miners is unpopular. So the plan probably increases the chance that Republicans will recapture the upper chamber of Congress in November. It also matters because of an international timetable: countries are negotiating a treaty to reduce greenhouse-gas emissions globally which can be signed at the end of 2015. The presidents proposal makes it more likely that some such deal will see the light of day.从政治的角度,这项提议很重要:为了守住议会的席位,民主党必须要争取几个生产煤的州的持,在这些州,有损矿主利益的行为不受待见。所以,这项提议很可能增加共和党于11月重获国会上议院席位的几率。从国际上看,这项提议也很重要:各国将要商定一项在全球范围内减少温室气体排放量的条约,并可能于2015年底签署。奥巴马的提议使得类似协议有了一丝曙光。Because of these implications, the plan has been greeted in America with wild partisanship. The left welcomes it as a decisive step away from fossil fuels. The right condemns it as a new tax on American companies and consumers which will only help China, where pollution will rise further, negating any benefit to the climate. Both views are exaggerated. The truth is that the proposal wont save the planet, but it will bring about small improvements that are worth having.因为上述原因,美国国内对此项提议态度分立。左派赞成,认为这是减少化石燃料决定性的一步。右派则指责,这只会加重美国企业和消费者的税赋负担,而得益于中国。中国人口不断上涨,这会抵消此项提议带来的利益。双方的观点都被夸大了。事实是,这项提议不会拯救地球,但是,它依然能带来意义非凡的些许进步。Satisfyingly mediocre令人满意的平庸方案Assuming the plan is carried out, it would reduce total American carbon emissions by around 5%. That is a lot for one measure, though tiny compared with the overall cuts required to rein in climate change. American power plants have aly reduced their emissions by 15% since 2005, so requiring them to cut the same amount over a longer period is not too arduous. The plan will raise electricity prices and kill some jobs, but it will also save lives, most immediately by cutting particulate pollution.假设这项提议得以实施,美国的碳排放量会减少约5%。虽然对于应对气候变化所要求的总排放量这还不够,但对于这一具体措施,已然进步巨大。自2005年以来,美国的电厂已经将温室气体排放量减少了15%,因此,在更长时间期限内减少等量气体排放应该是可行的。这项提议会提高电费,减少部分工作,但也因减少了粒状物污染拯救了部分生命。It is far from the best policy. Ideally, Congress would have passed a carbon tax or created a carbon market, putting a price on emissions and letting buyers and sellers decide on the cheapest way to reduce them. Instead, the government is telling a particular sector how much to cut and when—and then adding layers of complexity by allowing different states different ceilings. As a method of dealing with a problem, this has all the attractions of a blackout in a blizzard.这不是最好的方案。理想来说,国会应该通过碳税提案或建立碳市场,给排放定价,让买家卖家自行决定,使用最便宜的方式减少温室气体排放。相反,需要政府告知一个特定部门(电力提供商)减排量以及减排时间。由于不同州有不同的排放量上限,实施又变得更复杂。这是解决问题的一个方法,是应对打击的一次管制。But it became inevitable once Congress rejected a better approach—cap-and-trade legislation—during Mr Obamas first term. The current approach is at least better than nothing, the most likely alternative. In climate policy, delay is rarely good. The more carbon is in the atmosphere, the more expensive it is to cut back and the more damage it does in the meantime. Anyway, Mr Obamas command-and-control approach does not forestall setting up a carbon market later.但一旦国会拒绝了另一项更好的方案—奥巴马第一任期提出的“总量控制和排放交易”法案,此项提案必会得以采用。现有的方案至少比什么措施也没有更好,是最好的替代方案。气候政策拖延不得。大气中的二氧化碳越多,要减量就更贵,同时会产生更大的破坏。此外,奥巴马的“命令与管制”方案不会阻碍日后建立碳市场。The second-best approach is dearer but not dramatically worse than the best would have been. Power plants and electricity consumers would bear the main burden either way. And the plans benefits (over billion according to the administration, mostly from improving peoples health) still outweigh its costs. One hitch is that the costs are all incurred in America whereas many of the benefits are sp round the world.次好的方案更昂贵,但并不比最好的方案差多少。负担主要落在了电厂和用电的消费者身上。电厂的收益依然高于成本。一个小问题是,成本都产生于美国国内,而收益遍布全球。In short, the proposal is a net gain as it stands—but the international response could make its benefits bigger. Chinas government is mulling over a national cap on carbon emissions, which would mean it is going further than Mr Obama. The regime in Beijing will, and should, impose such a cap in its national self-interest. But Chinas leaders like diplomatic cover. If Mr Obamas new rules help cajole the worlds largest polluter to do more to cut emissions, then second-best would be much better than nothing.总之,这项提议会收获净利,但是国际的反应会让其收益更大。中国政府正在考虑在全国范围内限制二氧化碳的排放量,想得比奥巴马更远。中国政府会为了国家利益进行限排管制,但中国领导热衷于外交掩护。如果奥巴马的新提议能让世界上最大的污染国为减排多做点贡献,那次好的方案就比什么方案也没有好很多。201406/305589

Germany and the euro德国与欧元The Merkel method默克尔之道Two books that take a close look at the woman at the centre of the euro crisis两本深入观察这位处于欧元危机中心的女人的书Angela Merkel: A Chancellorship Forged in Crisis. By Alan Crawford and Tony Czuczka.《安格拉默克尔:危机炼成的总理之位》,Alan Crawford 和 Tony Czuczka著。Europes Deadlock: How the Euro Crisis Could Be Solved—And Why it Wont Happen.《欧洲之僵局:欧元危机能如何解决—以及为什么这不会发生》,David Marsh著。ANGELA MERKEL, Germanys chancellor since November 2005, is now the longest-serving national leader in the European Union. Her country is more dominant in the EU and the euro zone than ever. She is Germanys most popular politician, at home and abroad. She is unchallenged within her party, the conservative Christian Democratic Union (CDU). And she is coasting to another election victory in September.安格拉默克尔,自2005年11月以来一直担任德国总理,是目前欧盟中任职时间最长的国家领导人。她的国家在欧盟和欧元区中比其它任何时候都要处于更加主导的地位。无论是在国内还是国外,她是德国最受欢迎的政治人物。在她所在的政党,保守的基督教民主联盟(CDU),无人能挑战她的地位。而且,她正在全国巡回,准备赢得9月选举的又一场胜利。Yet she faces a huge and continuing problem: the euro crisis. This is the big test for her political legacy. Making matters worse, many analysts now point fingers of blame at Germany. It is too austere, too insistent on fiscal consolidation even in recession, too prone to put the burden of adjustment on deficit countries, too dominated by lawyers, not economists. These complaints and her political longevity make Mrs Merkel an interesting subject for a book. Several have come out in German, but this work by Alan Crawford and Tony Czuczka, two Bloomberg journalists, is one of the first to appear in English.然而,她面临着一个巨大且持续的问题:欧元危机。这是对她政治遗产的一场大考。更加糟糕的是许多分析家现在都将矛头指向了德国。它太过于紧缩,甚至在衰退时期仍太过于坚持财政整顿,太过于倾向将调整的重担让赤字国家去承受,太过于听从法律人士而非经济学家。这些抱怨加上她长久的政治生命,使得默克尔女士成为写书的有趣的话题。德国已经有一些该题材的书出来了,但这本由两位彭社记者Alan Crawford和Tony Czuczka所著的书是英语世界中的第一本。The two authors tell the euro story well, but their most interesting material is about her past. Such details, which include her upbringing in communist East Germany, her position as a woman in a mans world and her background as a research chemist, help to define her domestic politics and her approach to the euro. They also make her easy to underestimate: in 1998 she unsentimentally helped to push out her political mentor, Helmut Kohl, the man who did most to create the euro. She may be slow-moving, but she has been more effective than many with more obvious flair and charisma.这两位作者对于欧元的故事讲述得很好,但他们最有趣的材料是关于她的过去。她在共产主义东德的成长教育、她作为一个女人在男人世界中的地位以及她作为一位化学家的背景,这些细节都有助于定义她的国内政治和她处理欧元的手法。他们也使得她容易被低估:1998年,她无情地帮助赶走了她的政治导师赫尔穆特科尔,科尔是为欧元的产生出力最多的人。她也许动作缓慢,但她总是比其它许多人更加有效果、拥有更多明显的才华和领袖魅力。At home she is cautious, sceptical of governments ability to change things, solicitous of allies and quick to cut down challengers. Despite preaching change to other EU countries, she is no radical reformer. Indeed, she has pulled the CDU leftward, partly out of conviction but also to create more coalition options and steal votes from the Social Democrats. In the euro crisis she has favoured small, slow steps. When she is in doubt or gets conflicting advice, her instinct is often to do nothing. As an easterner, she has often leant as much towards Poland as towards France, Germanys traditional EU partner.在国内她是谨慎的,怀疑政府改革的能力,热切关心盟友以及对挑战者快速地斩草除根。尽管她游说其它欧盟国家作出变革,但她不是位激进的改革者。的确,她将CDU拉向左倾,部分是处于信念,但也是为了创造更多的结盟选项以及从社会民主党挖选票。在这场欧元危机当中,她偏向于小且慢的步伐。当她不确定时或是听到不一致的建议时,她的直觉常常是什么都不做。身为一个东德人,她常常更偏向于波兰,这个在欧盟中的德国的传统伙伴,而非法国。All this may be fine at home, since Germany is humming along nicely. But it is problematic in the euro crisis. From its start in Greece in early 2010, Mrs Merkel has been reluctant to lead, careful of committing taxpayers money and insistent on punishing the profligate. She has been bad at telling her voters how much they gain from the euro and how much they might lose if it falls apart. She has also favoured a simple morality tale of blaming fiscal incontinence for the crisis, when loss of competitiveness and failure to reform matter far more. And she has often found it hard to work with others: she eventually forged a relationship with Frances Nicolas Sarkozy, but has not got on with his successor, Franois Hollande.所有这一切在国内也许是可行的,因为德国一路都过得很愉快。但这对于欧元危机是有问题的。自从欧元危机于2010年初在希腊爆发,默克尔女士总是不大愿意领导,对花纳税人的钱很小心,坚持惩罚挥霍浪费者。她不善于告诉其选民他们从欧元中获益多少以及如果欧元解体他们可能损失多少。当面临竞争力丧失和改革失败这些更加紧要的事情时,她也喜欢以一种简单的道德故事的方式将危机归咎于不一致的财政政策。而且她也常常发现难于他人合作:她最终与法国尼古拉萨科齐打造了关系,但对于他的继任者弗兰西斯奥朗德则没有。David Marshs short book is a more sceptical take on the euro crisis. A seasoned Bundesbank-watcher and historian of the euro, he has long argued, as did the Bundesbank, that the single currency cannot work without fiscal and political union. Yet he acknowledges that this is unlikely to happen, not least because it would lack political legitimacy. So his preferred solution is to reduce the number of countries in the euro. But that too would not be easy, he concedes. In Berlin, the fear is that if any country quits, the euro could unravel all the way to the Rhine. Mrs Merkel clearly still has much to do to save the single currency.David Marsh的短篇书对于欧元危机更加持怀疑态度。这位经验丰富的联邦观察者和欧元历史学家,他与联邦一样,长期一来一直认为在没有财政同盟和政治同盟的情况下,单一货币是行不通的。然而他承认这不大可能会发生,主要是因为这缺乏政治上的合法性。所以他的首选方案是减少在欧元区中的国家数目。但这也不是容易的,他退了一步。在柏林,人们害怕的是,一旦有国家退出,那么欧元的解体将一路蔓延至莱茵河。很明显,默克尔女士仍有很多事情要做,以拯救这单一货币。 /201404/286355

Beneath the surface of a pond or stream its a fish-eat-fish world, and the tiny minnow is often lunch for larger fish such as pike. 在池塘或溪流的下面是一个鱼吃鱼的世界。小米诺鱼通常都是大鱼的午餐。Youd think a tasty minnow would try to remain inconspicuous, but this isnt always the case.也许你认为美味的小米诺鱼应该藏起来,不被发觉才对,然而事情并非总是如此。If a minnows skin is damaged by an attacking pike, it releases a chemical that attracts more pike. 如果一条小米诺鱼被一条梭子鱼攻击划破了皮,它就会释放出一种化学物质吸引来更多的梭子鱼。Why would a minnow thats aly beingattacked want to attract more trouble? 为什么一只已经被攻击的小米诺鱼想要引来更多的麻烦呢?Do injured minnows have some kind of crazy deathwish?难道那些受伤的小米诺鱼们有某个疯狂的想死的念头吗?This seemingly suicidal behavior is actually a clever survival strategy. 这个看似自杀性的行为实际上却是一个聪明的生存策略。The minnows chemical has two distinct functions. 小米诺鱼释放的化学物质有两大显著的功能。First, it warns other minnows about the danger. 首先,它能警告其他小米诺鱼这里有危险。Minnows travel inschools with close relatives, so this chemical alarm warns the others away from potentially dangerous waters. 通常小米诺鱼和自己的近亲们成群的游动,于是这种化学警钟就可以警告其他米诺鱼远离那些潜在的危险水域。Even if the original minnow is eaten, its brothers and sisters will live tore produce. 即使原先的小米诺鱼被吃了,它的兄弟们也可以活下来繁殖后代。From a genetic standpoint, this self sacrifice makes sense.从遗传学的角度来看,这种自杀式牺牲是可行的。You might wonder about the chemicals other function though–to attract more pike. 也许你会好奇这个化学物质的另一大功能—吸引更多的梭子鱼。A minnows skin is most likely to be damaged in an attack from a relatively small pike. 小米诺鱼被相对较小的梭子鱼袭击时更容易被划伤皮肤,而大个儿的梭子鱼则会将米诺鱼们一口吞下。Larger pike simply swallow their minnows whole. 也就是说,这种化学物质将会引来比眼前攻击者还要大的梭子鱼。Pike have no qualms about eating other pike, so if a bigone sees a smaller pike chasing a tiny minnow, that big pike will go after the larger mouthful,allowing the minnow to escape.梭子鱼对于吃自己的同类完全毫无顾忌,所以如果一条大梭子鱼看到一条小梭子鱼正在捕食一条小米诺鱼,大梭子鱼则会追赶小梭子鱼一饱口福,而让小米诺鱼获得一线生机。Its much like the end of Jurassic Park. 这一切很像《侏罗纪公园》的结局。The humans were about to be eaten by evil velociraptors,when the noise of their struggle summoned a bigger predator: 人类眼看着就要被可怕的暴龙们吃掉,正在这时,他们激烈的争斗声召唤出了更大的捕食者:Tyrannosaurus Rex. 雷克斯霸王龙。T-rex ate the raptors, allowing the humans to escape.雷克斯霸王龙吃掉了多伦多暴龙,而让人类逃出生天。 201407/312941

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